by Bilal Qureshi
The Lighthouse is a charming Christian retail store in the heart of Mechanicsville, Va. Owner Kathy Heath supplies Bibles, church decorations, and inspirational music to this small town of 30,000 residents in central Virginia.
“This is a family-oriented community and people live here all their lives,” Heath said with a smile.
The town’s downtown district of one-story shops harkens back to a more traditional era. It is home to a drug store diner, a family-run butcher shop, and a barber who proudly hangs a gun on his wall with the sign “we don’t call 911 here.”
Seventy percent of Mechanicsville voted Republican in the last statewide election.
Less than 100 miles to the north, sharply dressed professionals rush past construction cranes working on a glittering condominium complex and a Whole Foods. They are trying to catch the Washington subway during morning rush hour in Arlington, Va.
Aasil Ahmad is a Georgetown-educated political consultant and has lived in the area for fifteen years. He says he likes the fact that as Arlington has evolved, it has become more urban and gotten better, hipper restaurants and shops. But unlike its more obvious urban alternative, New York, “it remains an easy city to manage.”
This suburban Democratic stronghold is less than five miles from Washington, DC and growing.
Virginia is a traditionally Republican state where patriotic flag-waving and staunchly conservative values tend to fare well. But during the past decade there has been an economic and population boom in northern Virginia, the suburban counties adjacent to Washington, DC.
Fairfax, Prince William, and Loudon, the three counties that comprise the region, are now among the more wealthy, racially diverse, and more educated in the country. The 2006 Edison/Mitofsky exit polls showed that residents of these counties are also less likely to attend church or serve in the military than the rest of Virginia. These cultural divisions and the growing electoral clout of northern Virginia are challenging the conservative identity of the state.
On Aug. 11, Sen. George Allen, R-Va., made a statement that virtually ended speculation about a presidential campaign in 2008 and gave the Democrats a chance to recapture a Senate seat that would eventually cost Republicans that house of Congress.
Speaking to a crowd of supporters in southwest Virginia during his re-election campaign, Allen referred to an opposition volunteer of Indian descent in the audience as ‘macaca,’ a north African racial slur meaning “monkey.”
Although national coverage focused on Allen’s use of the term, his full statement highlighted the growing cultural divisions within the state. Allen had concluded his controversial remarks by saying “…let's give a welcome to Macaca, here. Welcome to America and the real world of Virginia.”
Within a few weeks, Allen lost his 20-point lead over his Democratic rival Jim Webb and the two candidates entered election day dead even in the polls. When Allen finally conceded defeat on Nov. 9, paving the way for the Democrats to assume full control of Congress, it became clear that perhaps even he had also misunderstood the “real world of Virginia.”
Gov. Tim Kaine, the second Democrat to be elected to the post in a row, said Sen. Allen’s comments reflected an antiquated way of understanding Virginia. He said the political fallout from his comments reflected the fact that his ideas no longer represent the sensibilities of Virginians.
“Fifteen or 20 years ago if a candidate had made some insensitive statements, I don’t know if the voters would have held that against him,” he said. “But they do now because they recognize that we’re a big and diverse state and we’re going to get more diverse and that’s a good, not a bad thing.”
Robert Shapiro covers politics for central Virginia’s leading newspaper, the Richmond Times Dispatch. He said Virginia no longer fits into the mold of a conventional southern ‘red’ state and changes in the socio-political make-up of the northern counties are part of the reason why.
“I think to the outside world Virginia is somehow this quiet verdant rural backwater,” Shapiro said. “Nothing could be further from the truth.”
During the past decade tax incentives and Virginia’s geographic centrality have attracted major telecommunications and computing firms to the region. The growth of defense spending under the Department of Homeland Security has also created thousands of jobs with government contractors like Northrop Grumman and Lockheed Martin, which have headquarters in northern Virginia.
As people move into the region from across the country, cities such as Arlington and Alexandria have become more racially and politically diverse than the more homogenous, traditional cities of Roanoke and Mechanicsville, in the southern part of the state.
According to 2005 population estimates from the Census Bureau, there are now five times as many Hispanic and Asian residents in northern Virginia as there are in the rest of the state.
Jim Webb swept the counties of northern Virginia in part due to the growing opposition to the war in Iraq. But he also won because voters in northern Virginia do not share Allen’s socially conservative agenda.
According to Aseil Abu-Bakr, a Fairfax resident who works at the World Bank, Allen’s rigid position on issues such as abortion and immigration simply reflects the conservative culture of the southern part of the state.
“What do you expect from the rest of a state where there is a serious lack of diversity in every sense of the word,” she said.
This was especially evident in the debate over a constitutional amendment to ban gay
marriage that appeared on the Virginia ballot.
According to Allen, “…we were raised with things that are really, really important - family and faith and freedom and football…and the most important institution in society is family.”
Webb, in contrast, took a moderated position that although he did not support gay marriage, he opposed a constitutional ban on gay relationships.
Although the ban eventually passed by more than 30 points statewide, residents in northern Virginia, who also supported Webb by wide margins, voted against the amendment.
In Fairfax County, for example, where Webb won by 20 points, residents opposed the marriage amendment by 10 points. This opposition has traditional conservative voters such as Rev. William Carter of Richmond concerned.
“That makes me a little nervous. There seems to be a transition toward more liberal values, in Virginia so we’re going to have to fight it,” he said.
But all southern voters are not suspicious of the growth in northern Virginia. Donald Campen of Richmond said the region is the engine for economic growth in the state and its diverse, educated residents have helped the state surge forward.
“Well we got some very educated people there,” Campen said. “And when you balance out the education and the population and the incomes, overall I think they're a good asset for the entire state.”

